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The idea of constructing a comprehensive theory stemmed from the "identity confusion" I had been facing since studying international politics. When I enrolled in the NPC in 2003 as a master's student, China's international relations academic circles were in the stage of introducing Western theories. For those beginners who are interested in theory, choosing a theoretical school as their theoretical affiliation or research object is a popular phenomenon in the academic community. In my initial study of the three major genres, I didn't seem to be deeply attracted by any of the theories. So I deliberately and systematically read the classic masterpieces of Hans Morgenthau, Kenneth Waltz, Joseph Nye, Robert Keohan and Alexander Winter in 2003-2004, but still did not become a chaser of any theoretical school. At that time, I was deeply "confused about identity". At the same time, through reading Wang Yizhou's related works, the summary of "learning to travel between different theoretical islands" made me feel deeply satisfied and dissatisfied. In the summer of 2004, perhaps influenced by the discussion of the return of Marxism to practice in the academic circles at that time, I suddenly felt that international relations is not a typical human practice. For this reason, "introducing practice into international politics and exploring the practical theory of international politics to surpass the three major theories" became my hazy and exciting idea at that time, and I read articles or treatises on the "Marxist view of practice" for this purpose, but I was deeply confused and gave up. After graduating in 2005 and choosing a job instead of a Ph.D., my academic career seemed to come to an end. Perhaps because I graduated and became a teacher instead of going away from campus, continuing my studies and engaging in research has gradually become my goal in life. After re-entering the NPC in 2007, China's diplomacy became my most important area. In the 60s of the 20th century, "revolutionary diplomacy" was my chosen research object, but in the exploration of "revolutionary diplomacy", I gradually turned to the discussion of the root causes of diplomatic decision-making, and then paid attention to the issues of state-society relations, "agent-structure" issues, and national autonomy, and abandoned "revolutionary diplomacy" itself. It was this shift that led me to the goal of overcoming, "How to explore the roots of a country's foreign policy from the perspective of state-society relations?" In May 2010, he defended his doctoral dissertation "Foreign Policy Analysis from the Perspective of State Autonomy: Structure, Patterns and Behaviors" at the School of International Studies, Chinese Minmin University, which is the result of thinking from the perspective of the international community, the state and the domestic society. But no attempt was made to construct any theory at the time. Although this thesis was nominated for the 2011 Excellent Doctoral Dissertation of Chinese Min University and the 2012 National Excellent Doctoral Dissertation, for various subjective and objective reasons, I feel that it is necessary to carry out many transformations to the original thesis from the perspective of theoretical construction. Based on the drastic changes in the international and domestic objective situations in recent years and the subjective judgment of the changes in the times, I try to deeply analyze the trend and nature of foreign policies of various countries from the perspective of internal and external linkage. In my opinion, the revolutionary movements at the bottom represented by the "Arab Spring" and the continuous awakening of the people at the bottom in countries around the world, coupled with the impetus of information technology, despite all kinds of populist agitation factors, right-wing conservative factors and external agitation factors, the mainstream of its search for democracy is still the decisive factor, and a new wave of democratization is beginning in the 21st century. Under the dual effects of globalization and democratization, we have witnessed two trends in the simultaneous strengthening of international and domestic factors in foreign policymaking. The 21st century is an era of globalization, peace and development, and an era of internal and external linkage in which internal and external affairs and diplomacy interact frequently and closely, and internal and external linkage is becoming the new normal of today's international politics. The epochal nature of international political theory determines that how to analyze diplomatic behavior in the era of internal and external linkage has become an important topic for international relations researchers today. While both structural theories that focus on factors in the international system and foreign policy theories that focus on domestic factors have been unable to satisfactorily explain the diplomatic phenomenon in the era of internal and external linkages, I feel that we need new theoretical tools to observe and analyze this phenomenon and its nature. This constitutes the most important theoretical appeal for revising the original paper. Since the 18th National Congress, the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as its general secretary has coordinated the overall situation at home and abroad, coordinated the development of security, and carried out major-country diplomacy and peaceful diplomacy with Chinese characteristics with a positive and enterprising attitude, which has effectively promoted China's peaceful development and peaceful rise. Major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics and its peaceful rise need the support and explanation of international political theory with Chinese characteristics. This constitutes the most important realistic background for revising the original paper. It is precisely my long-standing interest in international relations theory, the "China School" and Chinese diplomacy that has prompted me to try to construct a diplomatic theory with Chinese characteristics and highlighting the general law of diplomatic behavior. In my opinion, after years of theoretical controversy and practical testing, the three mainstream theories of international relations are obviously only "one-sided truths", and how to construct a comprehensive analysis paradigm that can surpass these three theories has always been the pursuit of international relations scholars, but it has never appeared. It is in this context that in the Western international relations theory circle, "analytical eclecticism" once became the main choice of mainstream theorists, and the theory of international political practice became a new exploration of many theorists with postmodern and deconstructivist tendencies. In today's Chinese international relations circles, which are not satisfied with blindly applying Western theories, Chinese scholars have either borrowed the theoretical achievements of other disciplines or revitalized traditional culture to put forward comprehensive theoretical forms such as "relationship theory of international politics", "evolutionary theory of international politics", "moral realism", "tianxiaism" and "international symbiosis theory". While these theoretical efforts have their own insights and rationale, for a variety of reasons, the various integrated theoretical efforts have not been widely recognized to date. On the contrary, since the end of the Cold War, with the rise of global governance, various research on specific issues has received more and more attention from the academic circles and achieved many results. In view of this lack of major theories, some people even claim that "theories are dead" and that international relations should "study more issues and talk less about doctrines." Although "study more problems, talk less about isms" is a wise choice when there is no theoretical breakthrough, it is obviously an unwise short-sighted choice to adopt an ostrich attitude towards theoretical research, because without the guidance of theory, it is difficult for human beings to find the right direction. For China, which is trying to open up the great cause of peaceful rise and avoid the political tragedy of a great power, it will be difficult to reach the other side of rejuvenation and peace without a theory that stems from itself and embraces the world. In the face of the new normal of internal and external linkage and the new great cause of China's peaceful development, the core question I try to answer in this book is, "How to analyze foreign policy and its behavior in the era of internal and external linkage?" The theoretical purpose of the attempt is to "build a comprehensive theoretical model for analyzing diplomatic behavior in the era of internal and external linkage and realize the synthesis of international relations theory", and the policy purpose of the attempt is to "provide theoretical guidance and provide relevant policy suggestions for the overall situation of domestic and international in the new era of internal and external linkage". Based on this, drawing on the intellectual achievements of philosophy and social sciences on actor-structure polemics and the perspective of statist research in political science, I tried to construct the "stateautonomy diplomacy theory" (SAD) model centered on the country with ontological status, in an attempt to provide theoretical explanations and policy enlightenment for China's peaceful development while realizing the synthesis of international relations theory. The core assumption of the theory of autonomous diplomacy is that the interconnection and interaction between countries and structural factors at different levels, different attributes, and different subjects based on the pursuit of autonomy determine the diplomatic behavior of countries. In other words, the diplomatic behavior of States depends on the nature, process and outcome of the State's interconnected interaction with different structural factors. If the core assumption of structural realism is that "the distribution of power determines state behavior", the core assumption of neoliberal institutionalism is that "institutional distribution determines state behavior", and the core assumption of structural constructivism is that "the distribution of ideas determines state behavior", then the core assumption of autonomous diplomacy theory is that "the distribution of autonomy determines state behavior". Based on this core hypothesis, this book also makes a theoretical analysis and case test on the basic nature, overall trend and strategic mechanism of diplomatic behavior in the era of internal and external linkage, and puts forward 14 hypotheses for observing and predicting diplomatic behavior. Although theoretical thinking is difficult to exhaust and perfect for life, and the theory of autonomous diplomacy may have many biases, I still hope that this imperfect theory can make a contribution. In my opinion, the analysis of foreign policy and its theoretical construction from the perspective of actor-structural issues and statism expands the existing theoretical research horizon, realizes the synthesis of actor theory and structural theory, has certain theoretical innovation significance, provides a new analytical perspective for the creation of grand theory, and contributes to the construction of the Chinese school. Based on the new normal of international politics with close interconnection and interaction between domestic and foreign affairs, the theory of autonomous diplomacy is a useful perspective for understanding diplomatic behavior in the era of internal and external linkage, which will help us better understand the diplomatic behavior of increasingly globalized and democratized countries, and has strong practical value. Today, China has become an active participant, key shaper and important leader in the international community, but it has not yet formed an international discourse to match it. One of the root causes lies in the fact that in the face of the historic event of China's peaceful rise, the world, especially China itself, has not yet formed a self-contained international political theory to rationally explain. In May 2016, Xi Jinping pointed out at the Philosophy and Social Sciences Work Forum that China's "philosophy and social science development strategy is not very clear, the overall level of discipline system, academic system and discourse system construction is not high, and the academic original ability is not strong". "To give play to the role of philosophy and social science in our country, we should pay attention to strengthening the construction of the discourse system. We should have the most say in interpreting China's practice and constructing Chinese theory, but in fact, the voice of China's philosophy and social sciences in the international community is still relatively small, and it is still in a situation where 'reason cannot be said, and what is said cannot be spread'. We should be good at refining identifying concepts, creating new concepts, new categories and new expressions that are easy to understand and accept by the international community, and guide international academic circles to carry out research and discussion. In my opinion, the theory of independent diplomacy constructed in this book is not only based on the continuous thinking of China's diplomacy, but also on the conceptual category widely accepted by the international community, which is derived from China and inclusive of the world, which will surely promote the development of diplomatic theory with Chinese characteristics, and thus become an important theoretical support for China's peaceful development." At the same time, the theory of independent diplomacy that attaches importance to internal and external linkage and the construction of an autonomous state will certainly help China improve the quality of domestic social governance, enhance its ability to coordinate the overall situation of internal and external affairs and shape global governance, and then contribute to the peaceful realization of the "Chinese Dream" of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and the maintenance of world peace, thus becoming an important practical guide for China's peaceful development. In short, on the basis of the original doctoral dissertation, after long-term repeated thinking and scrutiny, this book not only greatly adjusts the chapter layout, adds the chapter content, but also modifies the thinking dimension, changes the perspective and concept, expands the scope of the theme, highlights the research task of theoretical construction, and highlights the policy value of theoretical application. Of course, the author's original intention is to build a comprehensive theory with both Chinese characteristics and generality, and whether this theoretical task is really completed needs to be tested in practice. Therefore, the theory of autonomous diplomacy is only a "hole in the hole", and there must be many debatable points in it. The author has used this manuscript for the time being, but the long-term thinking has been inspired and taught by experts, and I will try my best to improve and improve in the future. Li Zhiyong at the University of International Trade on July 18, 2016
