Zhang Yuyan's book is a collaborative research result between scholars from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and the Russian Academy of Sciences, reflecting the views and judgments of some experts in the field of world economy and international politics in China and Russia. In a sense, the establishment of the project and the publication of this book are themselves one of the manifestations of China's participation in globalization and success. Although experts differ on the specific content, extent and manner of China's achievement, there is no doubt that the impact of China's integration and interaction with the outside world cannot be ignored in the eyes of those who care about the world's political and economic landscape and prospects. Globalization has changed China in the past, and now there is growing concern about how China will change globalization. In the eyes of economists, globalization is nothing more than a process of expanding the size of the market. The increasing size of factors and commodities dispersed in different parts of the world will lead to an increase in the division of labor and specialization, the direct consequence of which is increased labor productivity and long-term economic growth. This is the ideal paradigm described by classical economic growth theory for mankind. As the understanding of market mechanisms grows, there is a growing recognition that the expansion of market size is not unconditional. A government governed by the rule of law capable of clarifying and protecting property rights and maintaining good order is an important prerequisite for expanding and strengthening markets. The serious flaw of globalization is that there is no such a world-wide expansion and strengthening of market-based governments to establish the rules for globalization. The course of global economic integration after the Discoveries shows that untamed globalization can be a very barbaric process, even with "blood and filth dripping from every pore". Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, globalization in the modern or institutional sense has taken a substantial step, but humanity has not significantly shrunk (if not farther away) from the ideal of "common convergence". Even without a worldwide expansion and strengthening of market-based government, humanity has not given up its efforts to tame globalization. The US-led world economic system underpinned by the Bretton Woods institutions is an imperfect substitute for the idealized expansion and strengthening of market-based world governments. It should be acknowledged that the globalization of governance networks based on this rule has provided a relatively stable environment and opportunities for rapid development for emerging economies such as BRICS countries including China and Russia for a relatively long period of time. The factors of production such as labor and land in these developing and emerging economies have more opportunities to obtain competitive returns in larger world markets and realize their market value more fully, and the accumulation of baht has contributed to their own economic growth. However, it should be noted that the impact of the US subprime mortgage crisis and the global financial crisis caused by it shows that the inclusiveness of the world economic governance system operating so far to global economic growth is approaching the "critical point". Among developed countries, between emerging countries, between developed countries and emerging countries, and among different strata within countries, the voices of mutual complaints and accusations are becoming more and more undisguised. The policy of beggar-thy-neighbor policy has gradually changed from a discarded object in a dark corner to a weapon that can be openly demagogic in domestic political situations, and even if it is not so, it is not enough to maintain the bottom line of patriotic morality. There has been an unprecedented divergence in understanding of the spirit of Fiepperai, with those who have lost globalization naturally angry and those who have benefited feel that they deserve more for their fair share. The seemingly absurd prospect of globalization being defeated by its own success is becoming increasingly apparent. In order to avoid the "unspeakable" situation, the world stands at the crossroads of change and must make the right choice. The major constraint to these choices is that the future of globalization will move from the globalization stage of China (and other emerging powers) to the stage of globalization of China (and other emerging powers). In other words, these participants in globalization have changed from "small countries" to large countries. A country is small if it is primarily the recipient of the influences of other States' actions, international ideas, institutions and artifacts; On the contrary, it is a big country. Rather than unilaterally accepting the influence of the outside world or globalization trends, a major power can also significantly but to varying degrees influence or shape the outside world (or aspects) or globalization trends. Great power character, which means that the country's domestic actions have an impact on "international relative prices" (which can also be understood as the criteria that determine the competition of international actors), and with this in mind, other powers react to the country's actions with reverberation effects Backwash Effects proposed by Gunnar Myrdal in 1957. It refers to the increase in a country's exports that leads to the flow of capital and labor from other countries to the country, thereby causing damage to the country from which the factors of production flow. Zhang Yuyan calls the effect of a country's foreign policy formulation and implementation "that can change the utility function of its competitors or partners", which in turn affects the country's development opportunities or conditions, as the reverberation effect. This definition differs from Myrdal in that it emphasizes domestic rather than external influences, and is closer to the Spillbacks created by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) later (April 2014), which reminded the US of economic feedback loops such as "if the Fed withdraws quantitative easing too quickly and causes turmoil in emerging markets, it will in turn affect the US economy itself." The reverberation effect is used here to represent the (positive and negative) feedback effects of foreign policy in the broader sense (not limited to economic spillovers), and to distinguish it from Myrdal's Backwash Effects, Boomerang Effects in English. See Myrdal Gunnar, Economic Theory and Underdeveloped Regions, Gerald Duckworth, 1957; Yuyan Zhang, "Strategic Opportunity Period: Exogenous and Endogenous," World Economy and Politics, No. 1, 2014. The country is aware of this, so when deciding on its own behavior, it takes into account the response of other countries to its own country, and so on. Therefore, when analyzing the stage of globalization in China (and other emerging powers), we should include the perspective of interaction or game, and we should take a more empathetic and heart-to-heart position when planning foreign policy. In this new phase, China will join the ranks of taming globalization and contribute its leadership. This does not mean that China is simply going to join the "leadership" of the existing system and seek more privileges in the international system. On the contrary, China should work with other countries to make the existing international governance system functionally closer to, rather than far from, a fair and inclusive expansion and strengthening of market-oriented world government. To this end, China has initiated the establishment of the BRICS New Development Bank, put forward the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Action Initiative, promoted the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Silk Road Fund, and tried to unite other countries to play the role of the "world government" in providing public welfare products. It is hoped that by breaking the bottleneck of infrastructure interconnection in Asia and other regions, we will further remove the obstacles to the expansion of the global market scale of local production factors and products in developing countries, and eventually promote the division of labor in relevant regions through the expansion of market scale, improve the level of specialization, and achieve the improvement of labor productivity and economic growth. This is a long-term process that requires persistence, and it may not be understood and agreed by all parties at the beginning. Even among emerging countries, there will be no approval. It is normal and even beneficial to have different views. "With a human mirror, you can see the gains and losses." Part of this book reflects the outspoken views of some leading Russian experts and scholars on China's participation in globalization and Russia's attitude towards it. Of course, we may not fully agree with them, but it is absolutely necessary to understand and listen to them and to be equally frank about our positions. Communication is a prerequisite for breaking the "prisoner's dilemma" of cooperation. By strengthening communication and exchanges with global partners, including Russia, China's efforts to participate in globalization can be doubled with half the effort. If openness and honesty are the first characteristic of this book, the second characteristic is the broad horizon. Both Chinese and Russian experts do not view China's participation in the process of globalization from the perspective of their own positions and interests, but more comprehensively involve the political and economic relations between China, Russia, the United States, the European Union, Japan and other major economies. From the perspective of topics, the discussion in this book is also extensive and in-depth. The authors of this book are experts in diplomacy, security, currency, investment, regional cooperation and other fields of China and Russia, and have long-term academic accumulation in these fields. Readers may not see the curious conspiracy in this book, but the reality of the great power game is often more dramatic than the fictional theme, and readers can appreciate the professional and "reader-friendly" analysis within the constraints of academic norms through this book. From the perspective of narrative style, approachability is the third feature of the book. is the order. The origin of this book is a clear telegram sent by the Chinese Embassy in Russia to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, talking about the desire of the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences to conduct cooperative research with the Institute of World Economy and Politics of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Subsequently, the two institutes exchanged letters and telegrams, exchanged visits between research groups, agreed on the outline of cooperative research themes, and held academic seminars. The final result of research is this book. This joint research project started in 2012 and ended in 2014. The authors then revised the paper according to the requirements of the publication of the monograph, so the book was only released to readers in 2016. The time span in this book makes the data used in some chapters of this book slightly outdated, and the time span discussed is also short, and I believe that these deficiencies do not affect the reader's understanding and thinking about the theme of the book.（AI翻译）