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Guided by the scientific development perspective of "people-oriented", this achievement analyzes the economic and social basis of the existence and operation of rural old-age security methods in different periods in China, as well as the role of family, society and the state in rural old-age security and the relationship between the three. The individuality and commonality of rural old-age security in China in different periods were discussed, and the operation mechanism and evolution law of rural old-age security were revealed. Using the empirical research method, that is, through the questionnaire of 1599 rural households in 58 administrative villages in 22 townships and towns in 5 provinces in the eastern, central and western provinces, the special questionnaire and case in-depth interview data analysis in Kongzhen in Huangmei County of Hubei Province and Xinzhou District of Wuhan City, as well as the comparative analysis of relevant questionnaires (CGSS2006, TSCS, CSSS2007), the concept, willingness and support behavior of rural residents in China, especially the attitude towards daughters' pension, are objectively described. The subjective and objective factors affecting rural residents' old-age concept and willingness to provide for the elderly, as well as the internal and external factors of children's motivation and maintenance behavior for parental support were analyzed. The operation mechanism and evolution trend of rural old-age security mode in China's social transition period are revealed. Through the analysis of the behavior logic of rural residents' participation in the new rural insurance, the old-age security capacity and sustainability of the new rural insurance are discussed. Through research, the following findings have been made: in the traditional period (generally referring to before the founding of New China), China's rural old-age security is a kind of "feed-back" family pension through the intergenerational flow of wealth between male lines with land and other major assets; The family and the state mainly maintain the authority and status of the elderly by promoting Yang and strengthening the norms of filial piety, and strengthen the responsibility and obligation of sons to support their parents; At the same time, the family through the construction of family property to help the poor elderly, organize activities to improve the welfare of the elderly, the state will give preferential treatment to the elderly, and provide relief to the widows and lonely elderly, the family and the state play a non-inclusive supplementary role in the economy for the family pension. The reason why the "feed-back" family old-age security can last for thousands of years is that the small-scale peasant production mode of the family unit has laid an economic foundation for the family's old-age care; Second, the feudal hierarchical order maintains the authority and status of the elderly in the family; Third, the filial piety culture advocated by the state and society (family) regulates the maintenance behavior of future generations. During the collectivization period, that is, the beginning of agricultural cooperativeization to the implementation of the household joint production contract responsibility system, during this period, the main means of production such as land were collectively owned, the family no longer existed as a production and operation unit but purely as a consumption unit, the traditional authority of elderly parents in the family not only lost its economic foundation, but also the hierarchical order that maintained the traditional authority no longer existed, and the traditional culture that regulated the maintenance behavior of children was also seriously impacted. During this period, the family was still the main body of rural old-age security, and the collective supervised the son's assumption and fulfillment of his parents' support responsibilities and obligations through the distribution of income and living materials and the coordination of family conflicts, and at the same time made up for the lack of family old-age care through the implementation of the "five-guarantee support system" and the "cooperative medical system". In the post-collectivization period, that is, after the implementation of the family joint production contract responsibility system, although the main position of the family in the rural old-age security has not changed, due to the transformation of the power structure within the family from the patriarchal system to the democratic system of equal consultation, the transformation of the "parent" from the elder system to personal insight and contribution to the family, as well as the improvement of women's status, the equality of husband and wife, and even the fact that women are in charge of the household, the family's pension practice has undergone important changes, and these changes are mainly reflected in the transformation from the traditional responsible pension to the emotional pension. The role of daughters in family care is gradually emerging; During this period, due to the decline of the collective economy, the collective support role of the family pension continued to weaken, and the state provided certain economic support for maintaining the family pension through the implementation of the "new rural cooperative medical care" and "new rural social pension insurance" systems, which played a good role in improving the economic independence and autonomy of the rural elderly and improving the intergenerational relationship of the family. Although family pension has always been the main body of China's rural pension security from ancient times to the present, due to the different economic and social foundations of maintaining family pension in different historical periods, the specific realization of family pension form is also very different, with the development of socialized large-scale production, the gradual disappearance of family production function and the change of family wealth accumulation mode, family economic support for pension has also changed from physical form to monetary form, therefore, It is increasingly urgent for the state to establish and improve rural social old-age insurance through income redistribution, and improve the economic independence of the rural elderly in the family pension. At this stage, China's rural residents' understanding of their own pension is constantly clear and subjective expectations are also developing in an optimistic direction, the research group through the analysis of the "5 provinces questionnaire survey data" in 2012-2013 learned that 32.7% of the interviewed rural residents (35-59 years old) said that they were not worried about their pension, and 12.8% had not considered their pension problems; However, the CSSS 2007 survey data five years ago showed that only 3.8% of rural residents (35-59 years old) said that they were not worried about their pension problems, and 36.6% did not consider their pension problems; At the same time, it is worth noting that nearly 40% of rural residents in the survey data of the two sets of different periods expressed that they were very worried or worried about their pension problems, indicating the seriousness of China's rural residents' pension problems. Through the analysis of the influencing factors of pension expectations, it is known that the core factors affecting rural residents' pension expectations are family economic status and personal income level, which shows that the core problem of rural pension in China at this stage is economic problems, and the family is still the main economic dependence of rural residents' pension expectations, and the individual's willingness to be independent of the economy in the pension has also emerged. From the perspective of rural residents' understanding of the main body of pension responsibility, children are still the main body of responsibility for the elderly, and the responsibility of sons is greater than that of daughters, and nearly fifty percent of respondents believe that the responsibility for the elderly should include themselves and their spouses, which further illustrates the rationality of the family as the main body of the rural pension, but the individual's willingness to be independent in the family pension has become increasingly common. From the current stage of the practice of the elderly in rural areas, the vast majority of rural elderly as long as they or their spouses still have the ability to work and take care of themselves, the main economic source of the elderly depends on their own or their spouse's labor income, and their daily life is mainly self-care or spousal care; With the increase of age, the working ability and self-care ability of the elderly in rural areas weakened, and the pension economy and daily life gradually depended on the supply and care of children, especially sons; Spiritual support, whether young or elderly, is dominated by spouses. From the perspective of rural residents' willingness to retire, home care is still the first choice of rural residents, that is, living with their offspring family members, 96.3% and 72.2% of male children and 85.6% and 90.3% of female children are willing to go to their own home for the elderly, respectively; It can be seen that with the improvement of women's status, rural residents gradually think that their daughters have the responsibility for the elderly and begin to accept their daughters' pensions. Through the study of rural residents' parental support behavior, it is further found that intergenerational economic support is child-oriented in the early stage of the common life course of parents and children (children forming small families), while the late stage (elderly parents) is parents' demand-oriented. As parents get older, the financial support of children to their parents will gradually increase, and the frequency of intergenerational labor and emotional interaction will gradually decrease, and children's support behavior for parents has changed from the traditional filial piety constraint to "emotion" and "conscience"-driven. Therefore, improving the economic independence and autonomy of the rural elderly in the elderly is the key to solving the problem of rural pension at this stage in China, and the implementation of the new agricultural insurance has improved the independence and autonomy of the rural elderly pension economy to a certain extent. On the one hand, the government is trying to transform the "extractive" relationship between the state and rural residents into a "service-oriented" relationship. On the other hand, it is the awakening of rural residents' awareness of their own rights and interests, but this awakening is still limited to the struggle for rights and their own responsibilities are ignored. As an exogenous inclusive welfare system, the active participation of rural residents is an economic rational behavior based on its implementation of policy cognition and welfare judgment. The old-age security capacity of the new rural insurance is not only presented by the objective standard of treatment level, but to a large extent is a subjective judgment, that is, the heavier the traditional family pension concept, the lower the expectations of rural residents for the new agricultural insurance, and the more they recognize the old-age security ability of the current new agricultural insurance; On the contrary, the heavier the concept of social old-age care, the higher the expectations of rural residents for the new rural insurance, and the less they recognize the current old-age security capacity of the new rural insurance; From the perspective of demographic characteristics, age is directly proportional to recognition and inversely proportional to education level. Although rural residents with different demographic characteristics have different recognition of the ability of the new agricultural insurance system to maintain the elderly, the implementation of the new agricultural insurance system is generally positively evaluated, and with the deepening of rural residents' understanding of the new agricultural insurance policy and the improvement of the payment incentive mechanism, their willingness to participate in insurance and the payment grade are increasing and improving, indicating that the new agricultural insurance system is sustainable in rural areas. In view of the above conclusions, in the process of improving the social pension insurance for urban and rural residents, first, it is necessary to increase policy publicity, not only to publicize the awareness of rural residents' social pension rights, but also to emphasize their sense of responsibility, so as to correct the situation of awakening of rights and neglect of responsibility; Second, while appropriately increasing the basic pension, we should adopt progressive subsidies or ratiometric subsidies to subsidize personal accounts, get rid of the dilemma of rural residents' minimum payment options, and improve the ability of new farmers to maintain the old. Keywords: rural society, old-age security, family old-age care, new rural insurance（AI翻译）
