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In contemporary Chinese society, with the establishment of the market economy system and the disintegration of the unit system, various types of public participation have gradually become active in society. However, in practice, it has also encountered many contradictions and difficulties. Therefore, starting from Putnam's public participation and related social capital theory, this book analyzes and explains the current situation of public participation and the deep reasons for the dilemma in the context of China's transformation. This book first reviews the academic research on the relationship between market economy and public participation, and there are two opinions: "market promotion theory" and "market constraint theory". The main point of market promotion theory is that the development of the market economy has enabled individuals to have more autonomy and resources, which has brought about the prosperity of public participation. The market constraint faction believes that the development of the market economy restricts people's spirit of development and cooperation, thus affecting public participation. The empirical findings in this book show that both effects of the market economy exist: on the one hand, it does increase the utility of individual capacities and resources in public participation; On the other hand, it also has a disincentive effect on public participation. This book makes a further inference: if the market economy does reduce people's willingness to cooperate and people are reluctant to establish new social cooperation and connections with others in participation, then the ability of public participation networks to generate internal (trust and reciprocity among network members) and external social capital (general trust) should also be reduced. The results of empirical data also support the inferences of this book. So how should we study the impact of the macro social organization system model on public participation behavior? Putnam emphasized the positive role of social organization in social development, but there is also Olsen's contrary statement in public participation research that social interest organizations will be harmful to social development. But in fact, there is no absolute opposition between the two theories. Putnam divides social capital into solidarity social capital and bridging social capital, while Olson proposes analytical tools for exclusive groups (interests) and compatible groups (interests). This book argues that there is an intrinsic relationship between the two, that is, exclusive groups create solidarity social capital, and compatible groups generate bridging social capital, in other words, compatible groups are the organizational form of public participation networks emphasized by Putnam, and the narrowness of solidarity social capital is the social product of Olson's tendency to divide interest groups. However, the various interest groups highlighted by Olson and the social background on which Putnam's analysis of mass social organizations depend, are completely different from the social organization system and management rules in contemporary China. Therefore, this book first explains this difference from four aspects: the integration effect of organizations, the specialization and economy of social organizations, the depoliticization of participation, and the legitimacy of participation. The empirical research in this book finds that in Chinese society, Olsen organizations can also realize the leap from solidarity social capital to bridging social capital, thereby promoting social integration; On the other hand, Putnam has somehow led to the closed nature of the network. The internal reason for this phenomenon is that, under the influence of certain systems and management methods, the public participation network in the development of the market economy will also become a small and differentiated interest group, and thus cannot assume the responsibility of promoting integration in the larger society. Second, the book analyzes the cross-sectional comparison using data on public participation in various countries, and the results show that the social influences of the two groups are inherently similar in countries or regions with similar institutional structures. Therefore, the applicability of both Olsen's or Putnam's research needs to consider the relationship between national or regional organizational systems and political integration models on public participation or social organization. The book concludes by examining the unique relationship between public participation and the construction of social capital in the context of Chinese culture. Based on the correlation analysis, the construction of trust in China contains a basic proposition: Chinese trust and relationship are isomorphic, so the impact of kinship trust on the trust of different types of people depends on the distance of the relationship. In other words, China's social capital has a strong endogenous attribute that does not rely on public participation. By deriving this proposition, this book bases its analysis on the following two assumptions: First, the relationship between special trust and universal trust may be a trade-off relationship, and when public participation depends on the formation of relationship routes, the trust it establishes is still a trust that cannot be universalized. Second, there are two forces in marketization, which promote universal trust while also strengthening the contradiction between special trust and universal trust, and in this context, the contradiction between public participation and universal trust in the dependency route is also strengthened. According to the empirical results, we can get the following three enlightenments: First, in contemporary Chinese society, the inherent contradiction between special trust and universal trust still exists, which is proved by the analysis of the relationship between different trusts and the impact of network structure on the degree of trust. Second, the development of the market economy reduces the special trust generated in interpersonal relations, but due to the lack of a public consultation system, the effect of inequality on the closure is also enhanced, so the contradiction between special trust and universal trust is further strengthened. Third, the way trust is built in public participation still follows the differential interpersonal relationship path, which means that in public participation in Chinese society, the way to build social capital based on the power of rules such as institutions and consensus has not yet been formed. In addition, this book also attempts to analyze the characteristics of Internet public participation behavior. From the perspective of digital inequality, the study examines the intrinsic link between differences in Internet use and online public participation, i.e. attempts to analyze whether people of different socioeconomic status further reinforce the "participation gap" due to their preferred types of Internet use. Using the survey data of working Internet users in 10 cities from 2011 to 2012, combined with the analysis of socioeconomic status and use psychology and behavioral variables, the results show that although the Internet use gap exists significantly, Internet use mediated by entertainment interaction can promote the political expression of low-educated people, and the effectiveness of entertainment interaction independent of social class can also promote the behavior of Internet users to further obtain political information. At the same time, the research also found that the dual advantages of information and interaction in online public participation by higher social classes may potentially give them guiding power on public issues. Finally, this book explains the relationship between public participation and social capital from the background of the transformation of the economy, politics and culture of contemporary China. As for the internal reasons for the dilemma of public participation, this book concludes that due to the particularity of the institutional system and the lagging role of cultural traditions, the construction of social capital in China is in a transitional stage where traditional social capital has not disappeared and modern social capital has not yet formed. Therefore, when rethinking Putnam's theory of social capital, this book argues that for countries or regions in transition, state-building and institution-building play a very important role in public participation and social capital construction. Promoting the construction of encouraging social organization systems and developing cross-interpersonal social networks will be more conducive to public participation and play the effect of building social capital. In practice, this also needs to be achieved through relevant institutional guarantees and public literacy education. Keywords: public participation, social networks, social capital, social transformation（AI翻译）
